12/12/2023 0 Comments Igor pro no table buttonParticularly when seeking reforms in the liberal international order, the BRICS countries have proposed alternatives to existing institutions such as the BRICS Development Bank (an alternative for the World Bank) and the Contingency Reserve Arrangement (an alternative for the International Monetary Fund). A club of “emerging powers” (although Russia is arguably declining), BRICS has served as a venue for mutual admiration, for club deals among the members, and sometimes for proposing an alternative world order. BRICS brings together Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa to address global concerns of mutual interest. One of the signature institutions via which China-Brazil international cooperation has become more formalized is the BRICS partnership. Both China and Brazil have sought rapid economic and technological development (although China has had much greater success) and have pursued industrialization as an important means to international autonomy and a seat at the table of the world’s major powers. What bound the two countries together was a critique of the international system as stacked against the developing world. In particular, they criticized the degree to which the United States ignored the rules of the rules-based liberal order it purportedly championed. 4 Both prioritized relationships with the Global South based on solidarity, non-intervention, and mutual respect, deliberately contrasting their approach with that of the superpowers. Brazil’s military government established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China in 1974, ending its recognition of the Republic of China (Taiwan), and China and Brazil entered a “strategic bilateral partnership” in 1993, initially focused on economic and technological cooperation, but eventually evolving into a more global partnership. 3ĭuring the periods when it sought international autonomy, Brazil has found in China an attractive partner in criticizing the liberal international order fostered by the United States in the wake of World War II.ĭuring the periods when it sought international autonomy, Brazil has found in China an attractive partner in criticizing the liberal international order fostered by the United States in the wake of World War II. Each time, Brazil’s aspirations have been undermined by profound crises in its domestic political and economic arrangements that have belied its claim to great power status. It has vacillated between collaborating with the United States, as occurred during World War II and during the 1990s after the end of the Cold War, and charting its own autonomous path to great power status during the Cold War and during first decades of the 21st century. Evolution of the China-Brazil “strategic partnership”īrazil’s path toward emerging power status has been a rocky one, as it has tried different strategies to secure a seat at the table to negotiate a place in the international order commensurate with its aspirations. 2 Despite the preferences of its current foreign policy team, Brazil has important long-term strategic interests in maintaining a working partnership with China. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Bolsonaro administration has steered an erratic course between conciliatory rhetoric, seeking Chinese assistance against the novel coronavirus, and further criticism. Beijing is unlikely to want this tension to become the “new normal” in its relations with Brazil. China has a long-term interest in a close diplomatic relationship with Brazil, important both for its strategy in Latin America and maximizing its global leadership. 1 This confrontational dynamic is a marked departure from the historical trend in Brazil-China relations, which has trended toward deeper economic and political relations. While initially restrained in response to criticism from the Bolsonaro administration, Chinese diplomats have struck back in 2020 in interviews and op-eds with local media. Agricultural export interests, by contrast, favor a strong relationship with Beijing because China is a major market for their products. Specifically, the partnership is criticized by the Brazilian manufacturing sector, which faces strong competition from Chinese products and lacks reciprocal access to Chinese market, and by nationalist-populist voters who support Bolsonaro. Domestically, the partnership with China has been controversial with some sectors. (specifically pro-President Donald Trump) agenda internationally, including engaging in frequent critiques of China. Bolsonaro and his foreign policy team have adopted a strongly pro-U.S. Since President Jair Bolsonaro assumed office in January 2019, this historical pattern has been upended.
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